Systems: a Hidden Architecture
A detail from Diego Rivera's 1933 Man at the Crossroads Work. Photo: diegorivera.org
About the Module
This learning tool breaks down complex topics about systems into accessible, ready-to-use sections. Each begins with a short introduction that poses key questions, followed by a curated set of videos and readings to get you started. The sections are layered: you move from how systems operate, to why they stay out of view, to who they serve, and finally to what it would take to change them.
But you don't need to follow the sequence. Each section stands on its own: you can jump in wherever your interest takes you, skip around, or head straight to the searchable catalogue to explore more. The goal is to offer flexible entry points into complex ideas, and to equip you with tools to explore them on your own terms.
The module is organized as follows:
- Start Here – What do we mean by "systems," and why look beyond individuals?
- How They Work – What keeps a system running, and how do its parts fit together?
- How They Remain Hidden – Why do systems feel natural, and why are they so hard to see?
- Who Is Benefitting? – Who is a system built to serve, and who pays for it?
- Reform or Reinvention? – Can a system be fixed from within, or does change mean starting over?
Please note that these resources do not represent the views of our office, but are educational tools to provoke and stimulate further thought and reflection on these topics.
Explore Sections Below
Start Here - Uncovering Systems
When something goes wrong, we tend to look for someone to blame: a bad boss, a prejudiced teacher, a corrupt official. Sometimes that's right. But if the same outcomes keep appearing no matter who fills the roles (the same gaps in wealth, health, safety, and opportunity), it's worth asking whether the problem lies less in individuals than in the arrangements they operate inside: the laws, institutions, incentives, and habits that shape what people do and what they come to believe is normal.
That is what we mean by a system: not a conspiracy or a single villain, but a set of interlocking structures that distribute resources, authority, and legitimacy, and that tend to reproduce themselves over time. Systems shape who gets housing, schooling, credit, and care, and what counts as merit, common sense, or justice. We all live inside them. We are shaped by them before we can question them, and many of us are both advantaged and disadvantaged by them at once.
This module isn't a comprehensive theory of systems — it's a starting point for asking sharper questions: what is responsible for the outcomes we see, who benefits from the way things are arranged, why that arrangement can be so hard to notice, and what it would take to change it. These questions don't resolve neatly, and pretending they do flattens real complexity. The goal is to build our capacity to recognize systems, think critically about them, and talk about them with more nuance and care.
1. Systems: How They Work
A system doesn't need bad intentions to produce harm. It needs roles, rules, incentives, and ordinary people doing what is expected of them. Categories like race, class, and gender don't operate separately; they reinforce one another. And systems don't rely on force alone. They have histories, with turning points when particular arrangements of land, labour, and bodies were set in place. And they work through the institutions that form us (schools, churches, families) and the thinkers who explain the world to us, so that the existing order comes to feel like our own thinking. Even those who work to challenge these structures are often positioned inside them.
The materials in this section offer different ways in: situational pressure, interlocking oppression, the long history of how current systems were built, and the quiet role of ideas and institutions in holding them together. So if systems are more than the sum of the people in them, what is actually responsible for the outcomes we see, and what would it mean to hold a system, rather than only its participants, to account?
Best known for the 1971 Stanford Prison Experiment, psychologist Philip Zimbardo asks why ordinary, psychologically healthy people can end up behaving cruelly once placed in a role with power over others. He argues the more useful question isn't "who is responsible?" but "what is responsible?" — replacing the "bad apple" framing with what he calls the "bad barrel": the idea that role, anonymity, authority, and peer pressure can override individual character. If situations can overpower personal values this reliably, what does that mean for how we assign blame — and how we prevent harm — inside any institution?
What if the crises we're living through — economic insecurity, climate collapse, alienation from our own bodies — trace back to the same 700-year-old turning point? This 4-minute animated video from the Visionary Organizing Lab traces "patriarchal racial capitalism" back to the 1300s, when plague and climate disruption destabilized European feudalism. It follows how power was built through colonization and slavery, while enclosure laws and beggar laws forced peasants off common land and into wage labor, and witch hunts criminalized women's control over birth control and midwifery — binding slavery, land dispossession, and control over women's bodies into one system, later rebranded as "the Enlightenment." If today's wealth and "progress" were built this way, what does it mean that we still measure progress the same terms? And what would it take to notice the parts of that logic we're still living inside?
What does it mean to describe reality as "white supremacist capitalist patriarchy" instead of just naming racism, sexism, or capitalism one at a time? In this clip from her 1997 film Cultural Criticism & Transformation, bell hooks explains why she insists on that deliberately phrase — it's built to hold race, class, gender, and empire together in a single frame, rather than letting any one of them get treated as the "real" issue while the others fade into background. Drawing on her own life, hooks shows these systems operating through her even in moments she didn't consciously choose them — and even when she's found herself, at times, complicit with the very structures she's naming. If domination only works when it's split into separate, addressable "issues," what gets lost — and who benefits — when we keep discussing race, class, and gender as though they were unconnected?
Patricia Hill Collins, Toward a New Vision: Race, Class, and Gender as Categories of Analysis and Connection (1993)
In her 1993 essay, Toward a New Vision: Race, Class, and Gender as Categories of Analysis and Connection, Patricia Hill Collins argues that race, class, and gender aren't separate systems that simply add up in a person's experience — they're interlocking parts of one larger structure of domination. She notes that treating them as additive (as if a Black woman experiences "racism plus sexism") obscures how each system actually shapes and reinforces the others in practice. She notes that everyone occupies a position within this matrix of domination as both dominant and subordinate simultaneously, depending on the category — so no one stands entirely outside these systems, even those working to dismantle them.
Learn more about "Toward a New Vision: Race, Class, and Gender as Categories of Analysis and Connection," or search our catalogue for more resources on interlocking structures.
Louis Althusser, Ideology and Ideological State Apparatuses (1970)
French philosopher Louis Althusser argues that a ruling order isn't maintained by force alone, but by a second, quieter system working alongside it: institutions like schools, churches, and the family that shape what people come to accept as simply normal. Splitting these from the police, courts, and military — which he calls Repressive State Apparatuses — Althusser shows how Ideological State Apparatuses secure the same domination without needing to coerce anyone, since people are formed by these institutions before they're in any position to question them. If a system can reproduce itself through consent rather than force, what does it mean that most of us mistake that consent for simply thinking for ourselves?
Learn more about Althusser's work, or search our catalogue for more resources on ideology.
Antonio Gramsci, Selections from the Prison Notebooks: The Intellectuals (1949)
In The Intellectuals, Italian political theorist Antonio Gramsci argues that a system doesn't just run on force or law — it also runs on the people who explain it to itself. He splits intellectuals into two kinds: "traditional" intellectuals — scholars, judges, clergy — who present themselves as independent thinkers while actually carrying forward the assumptions of whichever class already holds power, and "organic" intellectuals, who rise directly out of a class and give it the ideas and self-awareness it needs to act as a coherent force. For Gramsci, whichever class controls its own organic intellectuals controls how its interests get framed as simply common sense. If every class produces the thinkers who explain its world to itself, what does it mean that some classes' "common sense" gets treated as neutral truth, while others' gets dismissed as bias?
Learn more about Gramsci's work, or search our catalogue for more resources on power.
Conclusion
Systems produce outcomes through structure, not just intention. Roles, incentives, institutions, and ideas shape what people do, what they believe, and what they come to see as normal. Once we see how a system runs, we can ask sharper questions about what keeps it running and where it might be interrupted. Explore these and other perspectives on how systems operate, from a range of authors and approaches, in our catalogue.
Up Next...
So far, we've looked at the machinery: the roles, institutions, and ideas that keep a system running. But a puzzle remains. If these arrangements shape so much of our lives, why do they so rarely feel like arrangements at all? Why do they feel like common sense? The next section turns to the ways systems stay out of view. Read on to "Systems: How They Remain Hidden" to continue.
2. Systems: How They Remain Hidden
The most effective systems rarely force compliance. Their rules feel like nature, their outcomes feel earned, and their alternatives are hard to imagine.
This invisibility is built in several ways. Power can be exercised not only by winning open conflicts, but by deciding which issues ever reach the table, and by shaping what people want in the first place. Media and culture can encode hierarchy in decisions that look purely editorial. The ideas of the powerful can pass as universal truth while others’ ideas are dismissed as bias. And people who are harmed by a system can become some of its most committed defenders, because accepting that the structure is unfair is psychologically costly.
These materials look at ideology, inferential bias, and the myth of the level playing field. If the deepest form of power leaves no visible conflict behind, how would we recognize it at work on us?
What if the people most harmed by a system are sometimes its most convinced defenders? This lecture from psychologist John Jost lays out 25 years of research on "system justification" — the finding that people, including those a system actively disadvantages, are often motivated to defend it rather than oppose it, because doing so meets deeper psychological needs for certainty, security, and belonging. Drawing on studies of workers who vote against their own economic interests and women who see men as more deserving of higher pay, Jost argues these aren't failures of self-interest so much as evidence of how psychologically costly it is to accept that the system you live inside is unfair. If a system can get its own targets to do the work of making it look legitimate, how much of what passes for "things are basically fine" is really just discomfort with the alternative, kept out of view?
What decides what counts as common sense? This 10-minute video explains Antonio Gramsci's concept of cultural hegemony, laying out how ruling groups maintain power less through force than through culture — shaping what a society accepts as obvious via schools, media, religion, and everyday language. It centers on Gramsci's key distinction between domination, which relies on visible coercion, and hegemony, which works through consent so complete that people rarely notice they're consenting at all — the existing order comes to feel natural, inevitable, even beneficial, rather than like one arrangement among many possible ones. The video also touches on his idea that no hegemony is ever total: pockets of "counter-hegemonic" thinking persist even within dominant cultures, carrying the potential to unsettle what currently passes as obvious.
What really determines who rises: talent and effort, or the starting line no one talks about? This 20-minute video examines the idea of meritocracy in U.S. education, using a simple board game to make the mechanism visible: players compete on the same rules, but start from wildly different positions before the "fair" competition even begins. Rather than asking whether people worked hard enough, the video asks us to consider: what conditions shaped how hard they were able to work, and from where? Everyone in the game plays by the same visible rules, but only some players' disadvantages get absorbed quietly into the game before it starts. It draws attention not just to the outcomes we praise as earned, but to the unequal starting positions that get folded invisibly into the score.
Stuart Hall, The Whites of their eyes: racist ideologies and the media (1981)
Cultural theorist Stuart Hall argues in his 1981 essay The Whites of Their Eyes: Racist Ideologies and the Media that racism in media doesn't only appear as open prejudice, it also operates through what he calls "inferential racism": assumptions so embedded in everyday coverage that they pass as neutral fact rather than a point of view. Hall shows how news and entertainment routinely encode racial hierarchy into decisions that look purely editorial — who gets interviewed, whose perspective is treated as objective, what goes unquestioned. He argues that this kind of racism is harder to see or challenge precisely because it isn't framed as an opinion that could be wrong — it's framed as simply how things are.
Learn more about "The Whites of Their Eyes: Racist Ideologies and the Media," or search our catalogue for more resources on race and media.
Andrea Dworkin, Our Blood (1975)
In 1975, Andrea Dworkin discussed the cultural and systemic perpetuation of female inferiority, particularly how women’s bodies have been mutilated, controlled, and objectified throughout history. She critiques the notion of male positivity and female negativity, illustrating how society has defined women as "lacking" and "inferior" through physical, intellectual, and societal practices. She traces this to the denial of women’s autonomy. She also critiques pornography as an expression of male dominance, where female degradation is central to affirming male identity. Dworkin calls attention to the male-dominated social structure, which is rooted in sexual violence and misogyny, and challenges the foundational beliefs that sustain this system.
Learn more about "Our Blood," or search our catalogue for more resources on gender.
Steven Lukes, Power: A Radical View (2021)
Steven Lukes argues in his book Power: A Radical View that power operates on three levels, and the most consequential one is also the hardest to see. The first is winning open conflicts over decisions; the second is controlling which issues even reach the table for debate. But the third — what Lukes calls ideological power — works by shaping people's actual wishes and beliefs, so they come to want things that run against their own interests without anyone forcing them to. Lukes shows how the most complete form of power isn't the kind that beats opposition, but the kind that prevents opposition from forming in the first place. If the deepest form of power leaves no visible conflict behind at all, how would we recognize it operating on us right now?
Learn more about Lukes' work, or search our catalogue for more resources on power.
Conclusion
A system is most secure when it no longer needs to defend itself. When its rules feel neutral, its outcomes feel earned, and its alternatives feel unthinkable, the system can reproduce itself. Power that works this way leaves no visible conflict behind, which is what makes it so hard to name. Explore these and other perspectives on ideology, hegemony, and invisibility, from a range of authors and approaches, in our catalogue.
Up Next...
Once we start to notice what a system takes for granted, a more pointed question follows: who does it serve? Systems are often described as if they simply fail, as if inequality were a shortage or a lag awaiting correction. But if certain outcomes persist because someone profits from them, they may not be failures at all. Read on to “Systems: Who Is Benefiting?” to continue.
3. Systems: Who is Benefitting?
Systems are often discussed as if they simply fail, as if poverty were a shortage or a wealth gap a lag awaiting correction. Looking at who benefits suggests another perspective: that outcomes are not malfunctions but features, sustained because someone profits from them.
Following the benefit can be uncomfortable, because it does not only point at a distant elite. It can implicate cheap labour, zoning, tax codes, and inherited advantage that many of us take for granted, and it can show how even inclusion can become a new market to extract from. It also shows how those who benefit most are often best positioned to make their arrangements look like simply how the world works, and how the categories we use to sort people can shift to serve whoever controls them.
Whose advantage is being protected, and what does it mean to call an advantage "earned" if it was set up generations ago?
Who was this system actually built to protect? This episode from Netflix's Explained traces how slavery, Jim Crow, redlining, and lending discrimination didn't just happen once and end, but built on each other across generations to produce today's racial wealth gap. Rather than asking why Black families haven't caught up, the episode asks us to consider: whose wealth was protected and grown at each stage, while others' was blocked or extracted? It draws attention not just to individual acts of discrimination, but to how each generation's starting point is set by the last one's ending point — and to who inherited the advantage of that head start. If some families have spent generations quietly compounding wealth handed to them by a system what does it mean to call an advantage "earned"? And does "equal opportunity" really exist?
If race has no biological basis, why does it keep getting redrawn to decide who holds power? In this TEDx talk, sociologist Dr. Tammy Hodo argues that race is a social invention with no genetic basis, yet it has consistently been used throughout history to construct hierarchies of privilege — with the boundaries of who counts as which race shifting over time depending on who needed to be included, excluded, or controlled at that moment. Speaking as a biracial woman who has moved through two different racial realities in the same country, she draws on her research into how race, class, and ethnicity shape people's actual life chances to show that even as the concept itself is fluid, its social, political, and economic consequences stay rigid and entrenched.
What if the biggest divide in American politics isn't left versus right, but between the few who hold power over the system and the many who hold almost none? In this short video, Robert Reich, summarizing his 2020 book, argues that wealth and power have become one and the same, letting the very rich buy advantages in education, politics, health care, and justice while everyone else faces what he calls "harsh capitalism." He traces how this happened: a shift in the 1980s from stakeholder to shareholder capitalism, the collapse of union membership, and a generation of households coping with stagnant wages by working more and borrowing more, until the 2008 crash. Reich's remedy is a multiracial, multiethnic coalition to shift where power sits, since oligarchies become vulnerable once most people see them as illegitimate.
Matthew Desmond, Poverty, by America (2023)
Matthew Desmond, a sociologist, argues in his 2023 book, Poverty, by America, that poverty in the wealthiest country on earth isn't a failure of the safety net — it's closer to a design feature. He notes that poverty gets treated as a problem of scarcity, when in fact non-poor Americans actively benefit from cheap labor, exclusionary zoning, and a tax code skewed toward the wealthy. His sharpest line of argument is that ending poverty isn't mainly about spending more, but about others consuming less of the poor's opportunity and security — so the real question isn't whether the country can afford to end poverty, but whether anyone benefiting from it is willing to give that up.
Learn more about "Poverty, by America," or search our catalogue for more resources.
Keeanga-Yamahtta Taylor, Race for Profit (2019)
In Race for Profit (2019), Keeanga-Yamahtta Taylor traces how federal housing reforms of the late 1960s and 1970s opened homeownership to Black families — and how the same real estate and banking industries that had long profited from excluding Black buyers simply pivoted to profiting from including them instead, through predatory loans, inflated appraisals, and properties engineered to fail. Taylor calls this "predatory inclusion": access granted as a new market to extract from. It draws attention not just to who gets left out of a system, but to how being let in can be its own kind of harm, when the terms of entry are designed by the same interests that built the exclusion. If a system can profit equally from keeping people out and from letting them in, what does it mean to measure progress by access alone — and whose interests does "inclusion" actually serve when it's the system's beneficiaries who get to define what inclusion looks like?
Learn more about Taylor's work, or search our catalogue for more resources.
George Monbiot, Neoliberalism - The ideology at the root of all our problems (2016)
In this 2016 essay, George Monbiot argues neoliberalism has driven nearly every major crisis of the last fifty years, from the 2008 crash to the erosion of public health and education, precisely because it's rarely named or treated as a choice. He traces its deliberate construction by economists like Hayek and its rollout under Thatcher and Reagan, noting the irony that "freeing" markets required immense state power to impose. It draws attention not just to who benefits from deregulation and privatization, but to how thoroughly those beneficiaries have succeeded in making their preferred arrangement look like simply how the world works. If the people who benefit most from an arrangement are also the ones best positioned to make it look like simply how the world works, what else might we see as a natural order when, in reality, it is just well-defended?
Learn more about Monbiot's work, or search our catalogue for more resources.
Conclusion
Persistent outcomes are rarely accidents. Poverty, wealth gaps, and exclusion can look like unsolved problems, but they can also look like arrangements that someone benefits from, and that those beneficiaries are well positioned to defend and to make look natural. Even inclusion can be turned into a market, and categories can be redrawn to serve whoever controls them. Following the benefit can be uncomfortable because it rarely stops at a distant elite. It can reach the cheap labour, zoning rules, and inherited advantages many of us live alongside.
Explore these and other perspectives on power, wealth, and who gains from the status quo, from a range of authors and approaches, in our catalogue.
Up Next...
If a system is built to serve some at the expense of others, what is the right response? Do we improve it, widen access, and close the gaps, or do we conclude that some structures can’t be repaired and need to be replaced? Reform and reinvention are often treated as rivals, yet each can feed or block the other. In the final section, we sit with that tension. Read on to “Systems: Reform or Reinvention?” to continue.
4. Systems: Reform or Reinvention?
If systems distribute power unevenly, what do we do about it? One answer is to improve them: pass better laws, expand access, diversify leadership, close the gaps. Another is that some structures can’t be improved without being replaced. Few people hold either view in its pure form, and the tension between them runs through nearly every movement for change.
The difficulty is that reform is double-edged. A concession can open a door wider, or relieve just enough pressure to keep the underlying arrangement intact. Incremental gains can be real and hard-won, and can also make the existing order easier to defend. Starting over, meanwhile, has costs and winners of its own, and doesn’t guarantee escape from the problem it set out to solve. Behind it all sits a harder question: can the tools built within a system ever be used to dismantle it?
For any change you encounter or pursue, whose hands are doing the bending, and toward what end?
In this short clip, Kwame Ture argues that reform and revolution aren't opposites so much as forces in tension, each capable of feeding or blocking the other. Rather than asking whether change should come gradually or all at once, he asks what a given reform is actually doing: is it opening the door wider, or is it just enough to relieve pressure and keep the underlying system intact? For Ture, reform holds both possibilities at once, and which one wins out determines whether it serves people or just manages them. He isn't dismissing reform outright, but insisting that its value depends on direction, on whether it moves toward genuine transfer of power or merely toward the appearance of it. If reform can be bent to either purpose, then whose hands are doing the bending, and toward what end?
What system is actually being defended when we lock someone up: safety, or control? This 11-minute Crash Course Political Theory episode uses the history of incarceration in the United States to challenge the idea that prisons are a natural or inevitable answer to harm. Drawing on Jeremy Bentham's theory of deterrence and Angela Davis's writing on abolition, it shows how the modern prison, including Bentham's design for constant surveillance, was built by choice, not necessity: what counts as justice has shifted depending on who needed to be controlled, contained, or kept in line. Incarceration, it argues, is not a natural fact, it's a tool used to organize power. But if the system itself is the problem, is it something we can fix from within, or does real change mean imagining a different system altogether?
What does it take to actually change a system: adjusting it, or starting over? This video uses New Orleans's post-Katrina conversion to an all-charter school district as a case study in that choice. It traces what was kept and what was discarded, existing school boards dissolved, thousands of teachers replaced, a new charter model built in their place, and asks whether this counted as fixing a broken system or replacing it outright. The gains in test scores sit alongside real costs: disrupted communities, a displaced Black teaching workforce, and decisions made largely without the people most affected. That tension is the heart of the question: was this reform, working within the system to improve it, or reinvention, tearing the old structure down to build something new? And if reinvention comes with its own costs and winners, does starting over really escape the problem, or just relocate it?
Rosa Luxemburg, Reform or Revolution (1900)
Rosa Luxemburg, a political theorist, argues in her 1900 pamphlet, Reform or Revolution, that the popular ideal of steady, negotiated progress toward a fairer society isn't what it claims to be. Too often, she notes, reform-minded leaders celebrate each new concession while treating the underlying arrangement that made those concessions necessary in the first place as untouchable. She argues that reform and revolution aren't the same goal reached by different speeds, but two different goals entirely: one aims to make the existing arrangement more livable, the latter aims to replace it — so pursuing reform doesn't gradually add up to reinvention, it can actually crowd it out by making the existing arrangement easier to defend. Luxemburg asks: what does it mean to call incremental gains progress while leaving the arrangement that made them necessary fully intact?
Learn more about "Reform or Revolution," or search our catalogue for more resources.
Aimé Césaire, Discourse on Colonialism (1950)
Aimé Césaire, a French poet and politician, writes about the lasting and ongoing effects of colonialism and its impact on culture, history, and civilization as a whole. He goes on to question the colonizers and how their narratives have turned people into "barbarians", and as a result they cannot possess a culture or civilization similar to that of imperialists. Colonizers spin the narrative and once reality dawns on them, on the atrocities caused by their own means, they simply apologize and move on. Through all of this, Césaire calls on a change of the entire racist, colonialist system as a means to constructing a new world. As at the crux of it all, the proletariats are the ones who suffer.
Learn more about Césaire's work, or search our catalogue for more resources.
Audre Lorde, The Master's Tools Will Never Dismantle the Master's House (1984)
Can real change ever come from the same tools that built the inequality in the first place? In this essay, Audre Lorde challenges a feminist movement that welcomed her presence but not her full difference, arguing that survival strategies borrowed from the very systems of exclusion they're meant to resist can win small, temporary victories, but never the deeper transformation they're aimed at. Rather than asking how marginalized voices can better fit into existing structures, she asks what happens when difference is treated as a threat to be managed instead of a source of strength to draw on. Lorde insists that real change requires more than tolerance of difference; it requires depending on it, since only that interdependence generates the courage and vision needed to imagine a genuinely different world.
Learn more about Audre Lorde's work, or search our catalogue for more resources.
Conclusion
Reform and reinvention rarely arrive in pure form, and the line between them is often blurry. A reform can open a door wider, or it can relieve just enough pressure to keep the underlying arrangement intact. Starting over can escape old harms, or simply relocate them and create new winners and losers. There’s no formula for telling which is which in advance. What the materials in this section suggest instead is a set of questions to ask of any change: what is it actually doing, in whose hands, and moving toward what? Is it transferring power, or only managing the people who lack it? Can the tools built by a system ever be used to dismantle it, and if not, what do we build with?
Explore these and other perspectives on reform, revolution, and alternatives, from a range of authors and approaches, in our catalogue.
Up Next...
Understanding a system is not the same as changing it. We can trace who benefits, why the rules stay hidden, and where reform falls short, and still be left asking what to do next. Systems are made and maintained by people, which means they can also be unmade, but rarely by one person, one policy, or one moment. Change is slow, contested, and often costly, and the paths toward it pull in different directions: some work within institutions, others push against them, and many do both at once. What happens when we stop asking whether change is possible and start asking how it actually happens, who has done it before, and what we are willing to risk to join them? The next module explores how people organize, resist, and build alternatives, and what it takes to move from seeing the structure to shifting it.
Click here to read on to our next module: Change.